that reached by Chifley in 1949 in connection with control of banking. p> Bruce's fatal mistake was to try to abolish Federal arbitration. It was a complete volte face. At every election he had campaigned for "law and order ". He was the great apostle of arbitration. He believed in arming the industrial courts with greater powers. He believed in penalties for those refusing to obey the awards of the courts. He wanted stronger ties between the courts and the parties. p> In 1926 Bruce had tried to obtain supreme power over all trade unions by holding a referendum to give the Commonwealth complete control of arbitration. His real concern at that time was to upset my Government in New South Wales. He wanted to destroy our 44-hour week. He also wanted to sidestep child endowment. He also wanted to upset the state basic wage. But the people had rejected his proposals. p> Then the Bavin Government came to power in New South Wales in 1927. The Nationalist Consultative Council believed that Bavin could do what Bruce had failed to do. They still wanted to get rid of the 44-hour week, which I had enacted by legislation. p> Bavin promised that he would do it. He promised to get rid of the Industrial Commission. In particular, he promised to get rid of Mr. Justice Fiddington, who was a thorn in his flesh. His first suggestion was that he abolish the court altogether. He would rely on a kind of collective bargaining. There were to be committees of employers and employees. But they were to be drawn from panels approved by the Government. When Bavin realised that his plan was not practicable, he compromised by appointing two additional judges to the Industrial Commission - Mr Justice Street and Mr Justice Cantor. They could, if necessary, outvote the chairman of the commission, Mr Justice Piddington. p> But Bavin could not go through with his complete plan while the unions could still go to the federal courts. It would be no use abolishing the 44-hour week for state awards if a frederal judge could still give a 44-hour week. Bruce's first reaction to the pressure of big business was to suggest to the premiers that they should hand over all their industrial powers to the Commonwealth. He proposed an alteration of the constitution by consent. It was to be another Loan Council formula. But Phil Collier, from Western Australia, shied clear. He didn't trust Bruce. Queensland objected. Even Victoria had doubts. So Bruce had to retreat again. p> Then the big four told Bruce that the costs of production must be reduced. That meant that either wages had to be reduced or the working week lengthened. It could mean both. There was also a very important recommendation reading:
"A change in the method prevalent in Australia of dealing with industrial disputes appears to us to be essential, and we hold that there should be a minimum of judicial and governmental interference in them, except in so far as matters affecting the health and safety of the persons engaged in industry may be concerned. "
Bluntly, that meant the return to the law of the jungle. Arbitration had protected the workers against sweating, against starvation wages and excessive hours. Now they wanted to go back to those vicious practices. Bruce was only too willing to listen to the big four. p> Bruce also resented the hostility aroused over his withdrawal of the summons against John Brown. Hughes told him to his face that it meant the loss of thousands of Nationalist votes at the next elections. The big fines inflicted on the timber workers, the waterside workers and EJ Holloway had only hardened opinion against the government. Bruce didn't like criticism, especially when it came from powerful newspapers like the Melbourne Herald and Age. They were much too close to home. p> Then, without warning, came the bolt from the blue. Bruce sent a long telegram to the premiers offering to vacate the field of arbitration altogether with the exception of the maritime industry. p> At the same time he sent an urgent wire to members of the Government parties informing them of his decision. Most of them were appalled. From platforms all over the Commonwealth they had preached law and order. They had defended arbitration. They had alleged that the Communists wanted to destroy arbitration. Now their leader was doing precisely that himself. p> Bruce, who had wanted absolute power over arbitration, now wanted none. He had no mandate. No one knew the reasons behind the move. His own party organisation was stunned. It was a complete reversal of form. p> The Commonwealth had been in the arbitration business for just five years. The first Commonwealth Arbitration Act was passed in 1904. C. Kingston had drafted it and crusaded throughout the country explaining ow it would bring peace and justice to industry. He had been backed up in the early stages by his Prime Minister, Sir Edmund ...
