e on this, the police later concocted a story that Hamilton had handed the dope over in the street.)
By now, the conscription campaign was well under way. The Prime Minister had been informed of what was going on (that is, that arson was suspected, not that a frame-up was being prepared), and was pressing for quick action. So was the New South Wales Government. The turning point seems to have been September 20, the day on which McAlister finally agreed that he would give evidence. It was on this day that McAlister's evidence was tidied up - and perhaps "Andrew" was created, although the Crown Solicitor still had "Andrew" and "Androvitch" confused two days later.
On the next day, September 21, the police sent the McAlister-"Andrew" dope (which allegedly had been in their hands since September 5) and the Goldstein-Hamilton dope (which they had received on September 15) to the Government Analyst.
On the following day, the Crown Solicitor drew a warrant for the arrest of Hamilton (the only one against whom there was any strong evidence - But Davis Goldstein had not yet agreed to become a witness), Glynn (accused by Goldstein of confessing IWW responsibility), Moore (framed by McAlister), Larkin, Reeve and Grant (included presumably because they were prominent members of the organisation; the police evidence of demonstrations of fire-setting by Larkin and Reeve was concocted, and there was no other serious evidence against them); Morgan (No-one had ever named him as an arsonist; he was presumably in as a bail-jumper); and - for good measure - the fictitious Androvitch and Mahony (although not "Andrew"). The IWW rooms were raided the next day, and Glynn, Reeve, Larkin and Hamilton were arrested. Among the papers seized were the membership lists and the incriminating letters which Reeve had written to Morgan in 1915. McPherson was arrested on an entirely different charge, and Besant because there was some cotton waste about in the print-shop where he was working. p> Moore and Grant were picked up some days later. The cotton waste allegedly found in Moore's box is of doubtful validity; it may well have been planted. Grant was arrested in Broken Hill; the indictment suggests that the police hoped to tax him with the burning of some wheat stacks.
On the same day that this warrant was issued, Davis Goldstein provided the police with their second strong piece of evidence: Fagin's admission that he was involved in the fires, and that Scully had been supplying the chemicals.
Davis and Louis both reported admissions by Teen; Davis ' evidence may have been in part true, but there is grave doubt about Louis.
With Scully on the hook, the frame was almost complete. Scully was vulnerable because he was an accomplice in arson. He learned from his employer, Cole, that he was under observation, and he decided to turn King's evidence. At the same time he warned Fagin of the danger they were in and tried to recover the phosphorus he had supplied to Fagin. The police picked him up on the morning of September 30, and he made a statement implicating Hamilton, Fagin, Teen and Beatty. (The police were already getting ready to move against Fagin and Teen: now they had a warrant issued for these two, and added Beatty.) But the case still needed expanding. An unidentified person was instructed to plant some fire-dope on Teen and Davis Goldstein was instructed to lead Teen to a spot where he could be arrested. And someone was instructed to plant some dope in Fagin's gladstone bag. The dope was planted, the arrests were made, and the case was complete. p> The conscription campaign was moving towards its climax, and it was important to get the case into court so as to secure the maximum propaganda effect. McAlister and Scully had already agreed to give evidence, but the Goldsteins were holding out. Louis Goldstein had been discharged on the forgery charge at the preliminary hearing, but Davis was still in jeopardy. Louis was demanding that the Crown should withdraw the proceedings against Davis, too, but the Crown wanted their evidence first. Finally Goldstein gave in several days after the preliminary hearing opened. The Crown rewarded him with a nolle prosequi . p> In gaol, while the trial was on, Jack Hamilton blamed himself for the plight of his fellow workers. He offered to confess and take the whole responsibility. But solidarity triumphed, and the other men refused. p> It was a good frame. The conscriptionists got their propaganda triumph (but they did not win their referendum). The Crown got its conviction. The prisoners got their five to fifteen years. p> It was a good frame - too good for the defence to crack - And it would have stuck but for the consciences of Scully and Davis Goldstein. Neither was happy about his part in the affair. Scully had a grievance over the distribution of the reward. Goldstein had a grievance ove...
