ness of such phenomena in the flow of meaning with macro-analytic theoretical tools " (1999, p.543). p> To Appadurai's (1996) picture of 'global cultural flows' - ethnoscapes, mediascapes, technoscapes, financescapes and ideoscapes - it may be worth adding linguascapes , in order to capture the relationship between the ways in which some languages ​​are no longer tied to locality or community, but rather operate globally in conjunction with these other scapes. As Kandiah (1998, p 100) argues, most approaches to the new Englishes miss the crucial point that these Englishes "fundamentally involve a radical act of semiotic reconstruction and reconstitution which of itself confers native userhood on the subjects involved in the act. "The crucial point here, then, is that it is not so much whether or not one is born in a particular type of community but rather what one does with the language. At the point of semiotic reconstruction, English users become native speakers of a new semiotic construction of language that cannot be predefined as a first, second or foreign language.
While the boundaries of sociolinguistic thought have thus been usefully traversed in some domains - questioning ways in which language, culture, nation and identity have been mapped onto each other - most work in the area of ​​world Englishes has failed to develop any complex understanding of current global conditions, continuing to operate with states-centric models of language analysis while excluding divergent Other Englishes. All too often we see the 'multicultural character of English' reduced to monolithic national cultures as represented through the 'high culture' activities of English language writers. World Englishes is in some ways akin to what Hutnyk (2000) calls the "liberal exoticist enthusiasm" (p 12) for hybridity in World Music, the "global sampling "(22) of WOMAD festivals. My point here, of course, is not to discount postcolonial writing in English and the questions it raises for the ownership of English, but to seek a more complex, contemporary understanding of cultural production in relationship to English, nations, culture, representation and the world. As Scott (1999, p 215) argues, the "real question before us is whether or not we take the vernacular voices of the popular and their modes of self-fashioning seriously, and if we do, how we think through their implications. "
If we take a domain such as hip-hop (see Pennycook 2003), we can start to see both different ways of using and mixing languages, and different circuits of influence. Hawaiian hip-hoppers Sudden Rush, for example, who "have borrowed hip hop as a counter-hegemonic transcript that challenges tourism and Western imperialism "(Akindes, 2001, p95), have been influenced not only by US rap but also by other Pacific Islander and Aotearoa-New Zealand hip-hop that constitutes a "Pacific Island hip-hop diaspora" and a "pan-Pacific hip-hop network that has bypassed the borders and restrictions of the popular music distribution industry "(Mitchell 2001, p 31). Thus, not only is there "now scarcely a country in the world that does not feature some form or mutation of rap music, from the venerable and sophisticated hip-hop and rap scenes of France, to the 'Swa-rap' of Tanzania and Surinamese rap of Holland "(Krims, 2000, p.5), but many of these local scenes participate in complex orbits of inluence.
Alongisde English, one of the most influential is French, producing an intricate flow of influences between the vibrant music scenes in Paris and Marseille in France; Dakar, Abidjan, and Libreville in West Africa, and Montreal in Quebec. And like many urban popular cultures, French language rap is also mixed with many other languages ​​and influences; thus the urban French rap scene is infused with Caribbean and North African languages and cultures; in Quebec, as Sarkar, Winer and Sarkar (2003) show, rappers draw on standard and non-standard English and French, Haitian Creole, Spanish, and Arabic to make statements about ethnic, racial and linguistic identity, using multilingual code-switching to produce new, hybrid identities: "Tout moune qui talk trash kiss mon black ass du nord. "And in Libreville, Gabon, rappers use" relexified French "including" borrowings from Gabonese languages, languages ​​of migration, and English (standard and non-standard, but especially slang) "as well as verlan [2] and "Libreville popular speech and neologisms" (p.116), so that they are "Inserted into large networks of communication that confer on them a plurality of identities "using a wide" diversity of languages ​​with their variants, along with their functioning as markers of identity (of being Gabonese, African, or an urbanite) "(Auzanneau, 2002, p.120):
And across East/Southeast Asia, numerous cross-influences and collaborations are also emerging, mixing Englis...
